1. Introduction
Negation is a universal grammatical category through which speakers express denial, rejection, contradiction, or the reversal of an affirmative proposition. It is a fundamental area of linguistic inquiry because it involves the interaction of morphology, syntax, semantics, and pragmatics. Contemporary research views negation not merely as the absence of affirmation but as a complex grammatical system shaped by structural, functional, and discourse-related factors, Herbst and Hoffmann
| [10] | Krasnoukhova, O., van der Auwera, J., & Crevels, M. (2021). Postverbal negation: Typology, diachrony, areality. Studies in Language, 45(3), 499–519. https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.00020 John Benjamins Publishing Catalog. |
[10]
, Haspelmath,
| [8] | Haspelmath, M. (2021). General linguistics must be based on universals (or non-conventional aspects of language). Theoretical Linguistics, 47(1–2), 1–31.
https://doi.org/10.1515/tl-2021-2002 |
[8]
. Recent studies further demonstrate that negation is closely connected to language use, discourse, and cross-linguistic variation. Miestamo, Shagal, and Silvennoinen
| [13] | Miestamo, M., Shagal, K., & Silvennoinen, O. O. (2022). Typology and usage: The case of negation. Linguistic Typology at the Crossroads, 2(1), 121–154.
https://doi.org/10.6092/issn.2785-0943/13508 University of Helsinki Research Portal. |
[13]
, for example, emphasize that negation provides an important domain for usage-based linguistic research because its expression is influenced by discourse context and the pragmatic properties of negative constructions. Similarly, recent research on negation highlights its interaction with polarity, focus, and other aspects of grammatical structure, Morante & Blanco,
, Shinagawa & Marten,
| [20] | Shinagawa, D., & Marten, L. (2021). Micro-typological covariation of negation and focus marking morphology in Bantu languages. Gengo Kenkyu, 160, 215–248.
https://doi.org/10.11435/gengo.160.0_215 J-STAGE |
[20]
.
Negation also provides important evidence for understanding how languages organize meaning and grammatical relations because negative constructions interact with tense, aspect, modality, focus, and information structure, Miestamo,
| [12] | Miestamo, M. (2005). Standard negation: The negation of declarative verbal main clauses in a typological perspective (Vol. 31). Walter de Gruyter.
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110912111 |
[12]
, Payne,
, Miestamo et al.,
| [13] | Miestamo, M., Shagal, K., & Silvennoinen, O. O. (2022). Typology and usage: The case of negation. Linguistic Typology at the Crossroads, 2(1), 121–154.
https://doi.org/10.6092/issn.2785-0943/13508 University of Helsinki Research Portal. |
[13]
. From a typological perspective, languages differ considerably in how they construct negative clauses, including the position and morphological status of negative markers. Krasnoukhova, van der Auwera, and Crevels
| [10] | Krasnoukhova, O., van der Auwera, J., & Crevels, M. (2021). Postverbal negation: Typology, diachrony, areality. Studies in Language, 45(3), 499–519. https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.00020 John Benjamins Publishing Catalog. |
[10]
, for instance, show that although preverbal negation is widespread cross-linguistically, postverbal negation also occurs in a substantial number of languages and is often associated with morphological developments.
Kiswahili provides an important example of a language in which negation affects the internal structure of the verb. Earlier studies have demonstrated that negative constructions in Kiswahili involve changes in verbal morphology and the interaction of negative markers with tense, aspect, subject agreement, and other verbal categories, Mohammed,
| [14] | Mohammed, M. A. (2001). Modern Swahili Grammar. East African Educational Publishers. |
[14]
, Ngonyani,
. This observation is particularly significant within the wider Bantu context. Shinagawa and Marten
| [20] | Shinagawa, D., & Marten, L. (2021). Micro-typological covariation of negation and focus marking morphology in Bantu languages. Gengo Kenkyu, 160, 215–248.
https://doi.org/10.11435/gengo.160.0_215 J-STAGE |
[20]
, in their comparative study of Bantu languages, demonstrate that negation may interact systematically with focus-marking morphology, revealing important relationships between negative marking and information structure. Consequently, the study of negation in Kiswahili contributes not only to the description of Kiswahili grammar but also to broader discussions of Bantu morphosyntax and the typology of negation as illustrated in (1).
Affirmative – A-li-som-a - kitabu
3SG- PST- read- FV - book
He/she read a book.
Negative - Ha- ku-som-a - kitabu
NEG.3SG-PST- read - book
He/she did not read a book.
The example shows that negation is not expressed by adding an independent word but through changes in verbal morphology. The affirmative tense marker -li- is replaced by the negative past construction -ku- together with the negative marker ha-. Cross-linguistic investigations have demonstrated that languages employ different strategies to encode negation. Miestamo
| [12] | Miestamo, M. (2005). Standard negation: The negation of declarative verbal main clauses in a typological perspective (Vol. 31). Walter de Gruyter.
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110912111 |
[12]
distinguishes between symmetric negation, where negative clauses maintain the same structure as affirmative clauses, and asymmetric negation, where negation causes additional morphological or syntactic changes. Recent typological studies further show that negative constructions reflect both universal tendencies and language-specific grammatical developments, Dryer,
| [5] | Dryer, M. S. (2013). Negative morphemes. In M. S. Dryer & M. Haspelmath (Eds.), The world atlas of language structures online. Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. https://wals.info/chapter/112 |
[5]
, Haspelmath,
| [8] | Haspelmath, M. (2021). General linguistics must be based on universals (or non-conventional aspects of language). Theoretical Linguistics, 47(1–2), 1–31.
https://doi.org/10.1515/tl-2021-2002 |
[8]
. Example: Symmetric and asymmetric negation.
English (symmetric tendency)
John eats meat.
John does not eat meat.
The negative marker not is added without major changes to the verb structure.
Kiswahili (asymmetric tendency)
(a) Juma-a-na-chez-a. Juma SM- PRES- play – FV. Juma is playing. (b) Juma -ha- chez-i. Juma NEG.SM- play- NEG.FV. Juma is not playing.
Unlike English, Kiswahili changes the verbal structure through:
negative subject marker ha-
final vowel change -a -i
This confirms Miestamo’s argument that many languages express negation asymmetrically. The diversity of negation systems is particularly evident within the Bantu language family. Although Bantu languages commonly express negation through verbal morphology, they differ in the position and function of negative markers and their interaction with tense, aspect, mood, and agreement systems, Nurse,
, Van de Velde et al.,
| [21] | Van de Velde, M. L. O. (2025). Attributive possession. In L. Marten, E. Hurst-Harosh, N. C. Kula, & J. Zeller (Eds.), The Oxford guide to the Bantu languages (pp. 155–165). Oxford University Press.
https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198808343.003.0013 |
[21]
. Studies indicate that Bantu negative systems reflect both inherited Proto-Bantu structures and independent grammatical developments caused by language change and grammaticalization, Devos & Van der Auwera,
| [4] | Devos, M., & van der Auwera, J. (2013). Jespersen cycles in Bantu: Double and triple negation. Journal of African Languages and Linguistics, 34(2), 205–274.
https://doi.org/10.1515/jall-2013-0008 |
[4]
, Güldemann,
. Example from Kinyarwanda;
(a) A- ra- kor- a. 3SG- PRES-work-FV. He/she works. (b) Nti- a- ra- kor- a. NEG- 3SG-PRES- work-FV. He/she does not work.
This show that, Kinyarwanda uses the negative marker nti- before the verb complex.
In Chichewa, Mchombo,
| [11] | Mchombo, S. (2004). The syntax of Chichewa. Cambridge University Press. |
[11]
example;
(a) Mwana- a -na-gula – nyama. Child SM- PRES- buy meat. The child buys meat. (b) Mwana -sa-gula – nyama. Child NEG.SM- buy meat. The child does not buy meat.
Chichewa shows that negation changes the subject agreement marker from a- to sa-.
Within the Bantu language family, Kiswahili has received extensive scholarly attention because of its status as Tanzania’s national language and regional lingua franca. Studies of Kiswahili grammar demonstrate that negation involves complex interaction between negative markers, subject agreement, tense, aspect, and clause structure, Mohammed,
| [14] | Mohammed, M. A. (2001). Modern Swahili Grammar. East African Educational Publishers. |
[14]
, Ngonyani,
. However, recent African linguistic research emphasizes that Kiswahili should not represent the entire linguistic diversity of Tanzania because many indigenous languages remain insufficiently documented, Güldemann,
, Nurse,
. Example: Kiswahili tense-based negation.
1) (a) Present - A- na-ku-j-a. 3SG- PRES -INF- come- FV. He/she is coming. (b) Ha-j-i. NEG.3SG - come NEG.FV. He/she is not coming.
2) (a) Future - A-ta- ku-j-a. 3SG- FUT-INF -come –FV. He/she will come. (b) Ha-ta-ku-j-a. NEG.3SG - FUT-INF - come – FV. He/she will not come.
These examples show that Kiswahili uses different negative constructions depending on tense. Kirombo represents one of the less-described Bantu languages. Despite belonging to the Chagga group, it has received limited linguistic attention, particularly concerning its negation system. Consequently, little is known about the categories of Kirombo negation, the morphological strategies used to express negative meanings, and whether its negative constructions resemble or differ from better-described Bantu languages such as Kiswahili. Comparative linguistic research provides an effective method for investigating such differences. Haspelmath,
, argues that comparison allows researchers to identify shared grammatical patterns while recognizing language-specific structures. Croft
further explains that related languages may develop different grammatical systems despite sharing historical origins, as in Comparative
Table 1.
Table 1. Comperative Languages.
Language | Affirmative | Negative strategy |
Kiswahili | a-na-cheza | ha- + verb + -i |
Kinyarwanda | a-ra-kora | nti- + verb |
Chichewa | a-na-gula | sa- + verb |
Haya | a-ka-som-a | ta- + verb + -i |
Haspelmath
| [8] | Haspelmath, M. (2021). General linguistics must be based on universals (or non-conventional aspects of language). Theoretical Linguistics, 47(1–2), 1–31.
https://doi.org/10.1515/tl-2021-2002 |
[8]
& Croft
.
Such comparison helps determine whether Kirombo follows general Bantu patterns or has developed its own unique system.
Although previous studies have contributed significantly to understanding negation in Bantu languages, comparative research involving Kirombo remains limited. The grammatical categories of Kirombo negation, their morphological realization, and their relationship with wider Bantu patterns have not been adequately established. Therefore, this study comparatively analyzes negation categories in Kirombo and Kiswahili by examining their morphological and syntactic realization, identifying similarities and differences, and contributing to Bantu linguistics, language documentation, and typological theory.
3. Literature Review
Negation has been widely studied as a fundamental grammatical category that enables speakers to express denial, rejection, contradiction, and non-existence. Contemporary linguistic research considers negation as more than the simple reversal of affirmative meaning; rather, it is a complex system involving the interaction of morphology, syntax, semantics, and pragmatics Herbst,
| [9] | Herbst, T., & Hoffmann, T. (2024). A construction grammar of the English language: CASA – A constructionist approach to syntactic analysis. John Benjamins.
https://doi.org/10.1075/clip.5 |
[9]
, Payne,
. Languages differ considerably in how they encode negative meanings. While some languages express negation through independent negative particles, others employ verbal morphology. This variation demonstrates that although negation is a universal linguistic phenomenon, its grammatical realization is language-specific.
Herbst,
| [9] | Herbst, T., & Hoffmann, T. (2024). A construction grammar of the English language: CASA – A constructionist approach to syntactic analysis. John Benjamins.
https://doi.org/10.1075/clip.5 |
[9]
, Payne,
. explain that English typically expresses negation through an independent negative particle rather than by changing the internal morphology of the main verb. Example;
Affirmative - He is coming.
Negative -He is not coming.
In English, the negative particle not follows the auxiliary verb is without altering the form of the lexical verb coming. This illustrates an analytic strategy of negation.
Mohammed,
| [14] | Mohammed, M. A. (2001). Modern Swahili Grammar. East African Educational Publishers. |
[14]
and Ngonyani
demonstrate that negation in Kiswahili is expressed through verbal morphology. Negative constructions involve changes in the verbal complex, including the addition of a negative subject marker and, in some tenses, changes in tense marking and the verb-final vowel. Example;
Affirmative -A- na- ku-j-a
3SG - PRES - INF - come -FV
He/she is coming.
Negative - Ha- j-i
NEG.3SG- come -NEG.FV
He/she is not coming.
Unlike English, Kiswahili incorporates negation into the verb itself. The negative marker ha- combines with the verb, and the verbal morphology changes to indicate negation. This demonstrates that negation is an integral part of the Kiswahili verbal system rather than an independent grammatical word.
Typological studies have provided important insights into the structural variation of negation across languages. Building on Dahl’s work
, Miestamo
| [12] | Miestamo, M. (2005). Standard negation: The negation of declarative verbal main clauses in a typological perspective (Vol. 31). Walter de Gruyter.
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110912111 |
[12]
developed a typology of standard negation based on the relationship between affirmative and negative clauses. He distinguishes between symmetric negation, where the negative clause differs from the affirmative clause only by the addition of a negative marker, and asymmetric negation, where negation causes additional morphological or syntactic changes. This distinction has become an important framework for comparing negation systems across languages. Miestamo
| [12] | Miestamo, M. (2005). Standard negation: The negation of declarative verbal main clauses in a typological perspective (Vol. 31). Walter de Gruyter.
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110912111 |
[12]
identifies Finnish as an example of asymmetric negation because the verb changes its grammatical form in negative constructions as shown below;
Affirmative - Hän - tulee
3SG come.PRES
He/she comes.
Negative - Hän - ei - tule
3SG NEG - come.CONNEG
He/she does not come.
In this example, negation is expressed by the negative auxiliary -ei-, while the main verb changes from the finite form “tulee” to the connegative form “tule”. Thus, negation involves more than simply adding a negative marker; it also changes the grammatical structure of the verb, illustrating asymmetric negation.
Research on Bantu languages shows that negation is closely integrated into the verbal morphology of these languages. Nurse
argues that Bantu verbs typically consist of several grammatical elements, including subject markers, tense-aspect markers, mood markers, and polarity markers. Consequently, negation cannot be analyzed independently of other verbal categories because it interacts with the overall structure of the verb. This interaction makes negation an important feature for understanding the organization of the Bantu verbal system.
Nurse
illustrates that negation in Kiswahili is expressed through changes in the verbal complex rather than by adding an independent negative word. Example;
Affirmative - A-na-som-a
3SG-PRES - read - FV
He/she is reading.
Negative - Ha-som-i
NEG.3SG -read- NEG.FV
He/she is not reading.
In this example, negation is encoded within the verbal morphology. The affirmative form ‘anasoma’ changes to the negative form ‘hasomi’ where ha- functions as the negative subject marker, the present tense marker -na- is omitted, and the final vowel changes from -a
-i. This demonstrates that, as Nurse
argues, negation in Bantu languages involves the restructuring of the verbal complex through the interaction of polarity, tense, and verbal morphology, rather than simply adding an independent negative marker.
Recent studies have further shown that Bantu negation reflects both historical continuity and language-specific innovation. Devos and Van der Auwera
| [4] | Devos, M., & van der Auwera, J. (2013). Jespersen cycles in Bantu: Double and triple negation. Journal of African Languages and Linguistics, 34(2), 205–274.
https://doi.org/10.1515/jall-2013-0008 |
[4]
argue that negative constructions in Bantu languages have undergone processes of grammaticalization, including the development, reinforcement, and replacement of negative markers over time. They further explain that some Bantu languages exhibit multiple negative markers within the same clause, reflecting different stages of grammatical change associated with the Jespersen Cycle. These developments suggest that while Bantu languages share a common historical origin, they have also evolved distinct negation systems through independent grammatical innovations.
Devos and Van der Auwera
| [5] | Dryer, M. S. (2013). Negative morphemes. In M. S. Dryer & M. Haspelmath (Eds.), The world atlas of language structures online. Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. https://wals.info/chapter/112 |
[5]
discuss Kinyarwanda as one of the Bantu languages illustrating the historical development of negative marking through grammaticalization. Example;
Affirmative - A-ra- kor-a
3SG-PRES - work - FV
He/she works.
Negative - Nti-a- ra- kor-a
NEG - 3SG - PRES - work - FV
He/she does not work.
In this example, negation is expressed by the preverbal negative marker nti-, which combines with the ordinary verbal structure. Devos and Van der Auwera
| [4] | Devos, M., & van der Auwera, J. (2013). Jespersen cycles in Bantu: Double and triple negation. Journal of African Languages and Linguistics, 34(2), 205–274.
https://doi.org/10.1515/jall-2013-0008 |
[4]
argue that such negative markers are the result of historical grammaticalization processes through which new negative forms emerge and become integrated into the verbal system. This illustrates that although Bantu languages share common grammatical features, they have developed different negative strategies over time, reflecting both shared inheritance and language-specific innovation.
Kiswahili has received considerable attention in studies of Bantu negation because of its status as Tanzania’s national language and a regional lingua franca. Mohammed
| [14] | Mohammed, M. A. (2001). Modern Swahili Grammar. East African Educational Publishers. |
[14]
and Ngonyani
demonstrate that negation in Kiswahili is realized through different grammatical strategies depending on the type of construction involved. They show that verbal negation is primarily expressed through negative subject markers integrated into the verbal morphology, whereas nominal clauses employ a negative copula. In addition, infinitival constructions use a distinct negative marker. These observations indicate that Kiswahili does not rely on a single negative form but employs different negation strategies according to grammatical context. Example;
Affirmative - A-na-chez-a
3SG – PRES - play - FV.
He/she is playing.
Negative - Ha-chez-i.
NEG.3SG -play -NEG
He/she is not playing.
In this example, negation is expressed through changes within the verbal morphology. The affirmative form ‘anacheza’ changes to ‘hachezi’, where ha- functions as the negative subject marker, the present tense marker -na- is omitted, and the final vowel changes from -a -i. This demonstrates that verbal negation in Kiswahili is integrated into the structure of the verb.
Example 2: Past Tense Negation, Mohammed,
| [14] | Mohammed, M. A. (2001). Modern Swahili Grammar. East African Educational Publishers. |
[14]
Ngonyani,
.
Affirmative - A-li-ku-j-a.
3SG - PST -INF come - FV
He/she came.
Negative - Ha- ku-j-a.
NEG.3SG - PST- come - FV
He/she did not come.
In this example, negation changes the internal structure of the verb. The affirmative marker -li- is replaced by the negative past marker ha- and ku-, illustrating the close relationship between negation and tense in Kiswahili.
Example 3: Nominal Negation, Mohammed,
| [14] | Mohammed, M. A. (2001). Modern Swahili Grammar. East African Educational Publishers. |
[14]
Ngonyani,
.
Affirmative - Yeye ni mwalimu.
3SG.COP teacher
He/she is a teacher.
Negative - Yeye si mwalimu.
3SG NEG.COP teacher
He/she is not a teacher.
In this example, negation is expressed through the negative copula “si”, which replaces the affirmative copula “ni”. Unlike verbal negation, no changes occur within verbal morphology because the construction is nominal rather than verbal.
Example 4: Infinitival Negation, Mohammed,
| [14] | Mohammed, M. A. (2001). Modern Swahili Grammar. East African Educational Publishers. |
[14]
Ngonyani,
.
Affirmative - Kuja ni muhimu.
INF.come COP important
To come is important.
Negative - Kutokuja ni muhimu.
INF.NEG.come COP important
Not to come is important.
In this example, negation is formed by inserting the negative marker -to- within the infinitive prefix ku-, producing kutokuja. This illustrates that Kiswahili also possesses a specialized strategy for expressing negation in infinitival constructions.
Therefore, these examples support Mohammed
| [14] | Mohammed, M. A. (2001). Modern Swahili Grammar. East African Educational Publishers. |
[14]
and Ngonyani’s
argument that Kiswahili employs multiple negation strategies, each determined by the grammatical environment in which negation occurs.
Although Kiswahili is relatively well documented, many indigenous Tanzanian Bantu languages remain insufficiently described. Scholars of African language documentation argue that limited descriptions of under-researched languages create gaps in understanding linguistic diversity Austin & Sallabank,
, Seifart,
. Kirombo is among the languages that require further grammatical investigation, particularly concerning negation. Despite its relationship with Kiswahili within the Bantu family, little is known about the categories of negation in Kirombo, the forms of negative markers it employs, and how these markers interact with tense, aspect, mood, and agreement. As a result, the position of Kirombo within the broader typology of Bantu negation remains unclear.
Comparative linguistic studies provide an appropriate approach for addressing this gap. Haspelmath
| [8] | Haspelmath, M. (2021). General linguistics must be based on universals (or non-conventional aspects of language). Theoretical Linguistics, 47(1–2), 1–31.
https://doi.org/10.1515/tl-2021-2002 |
[8]
emphasizes that cross-linguistic comparison allows researchers to identify both universal grammatical patterns and language-specific features, while Croft
argues that typological comparison explains why related languages may develop different grammatical systems. Comparing Kirombo and Kiswahili therefore provides an opportunity to examine whether similarities in their negation systems result from shared Bantu inheritance, language contact, or independent grammatical change.
Although previous research has contributed significantly to the understanding of negation in Kiswahili and other Bantu languages, comparative studies involving Kirombo remain limited. Existing studies provide valuable information about Bantu negation generally and Kiswahili specifically, but they do not explain how Kirombo organizes negative constructions. This study therefore addresses this gap by analyzing and comparing negation categories in Kirombo and Kiswahili. It examines the morphological forms, syntactic structures, and functional uses of negation in the two languages, contributing to Bantu linguistics, language documentation, and typological research on negation.
5. Findings and Discussion
This section presents and discusses the findings on negation categories in Kiswahili and Kirombo. The analysis focuses on the forms, structures, and functions of negative constructions, with particular attention to how negation is morphologically realized in the two languages. The findings are discussed comparatively to identify similarities and differences between Kiswahili and Kirombo, while relating the observed patterns to Miestamo’s
| [12] | Miestamo, M. (2005). Standard negation: The negation of declarative verbal main clauses in a typological perspective (Vol. 31). Walter de Gruyter.
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110912111 |
[12]
typology of standard negation and previous studies on Bantu languages.
5.1. Present Tense Negation in Kiswahili and Kirombo
Present tense negation in Kiswahili and Kirombo is expressed through verbal morphology, particularly through the use of subject markers, negative markers, and changes in the structure of the verb. Although both languages belong to the Bantu language family and share certain morphological features, they differ in the way negative polarity is realized in present-tense constructions.
Table 1 shows affirmative and negative constructions in Kiswahili and Kirombo and their negation strategies.
Table 2. Present tense Negation in Kiswahili and Kirombo.
Kiswahili | Kirombo | Translation |
a-na-som-a SM3- PRS- read –FV | Na-som-a SM3-read-FV | He/she is reading |
ha-som-i NEG.SM3 -read -NEG.FV | Na-som-a-fo SM3-read-FV -NEG | He/she is not reading |
wa-na-chez-a SM3-PRS- play –FV | Va-tem-a SM3- play -FV | They are playing |
Ha-wa-chez-i NEG.SM3- play-NEG.FV | Va-tem-a-fo SM3- play- FV-NEG | They are not playing |
A-na-pik-a SM3-PRS- cook –FV | Na-kor-a SM3- cook - FV | He/She is cooking |
Ha-pik-i NEG.SM3-cook -NEG.FV | Na-kor-a- fo SM3-read-FV-NEG | He/She is not cooking |
A-na-fany-a SM3-PRS- do – FV | Na-rund-a SM3-do-FV | He/she works |
Ha-fany-i NEG.SM3 -cook-NEG.FV | Na-rund-a-fo SM3-do- FV-NEG | He/she does not work |
A-na-end-a SM3-PRS- go – FV | Na-nd-a SM3-go-FV | He/she goes |
Ha-end-i NEG.SM3-go -NEG.FV | Na-nd-a-fo SM3-go-FV-NEG | He/she does not go |
U-na-wa-on-a SM2-PRS-SM3- see - FV | Wa-va-loli-a SM3-SM3-FV-FV | You see them |
Hu-wa-on-i NEG.SM2-SM3-see - NEG.FV | U-va-loli-a-fo SM2-SM3- see -FV-NEG | You are not see them |
U-na-Sali SM2-PRS-pray | U-Sali SM2-pray | You are praying |
Hu- Sali NEG - pray | U-Sali-fo SM2-pray-NEG | You are not praying |
Na-ku-on-a SM1-INF-see-FV | ngi-ku-wen-i SM1-INF-see -FV | I see you |
Si-ku-on-i NEG-INF - see-FV | ngi-ku-wen-i-fo SM1-INF-see-FV | I am not seeing you |
Ni-na-Sali SM1-PRS –pray | Ngi-Sali-fo SM1-pray-NEG | I am praying |
Si-Sali NEG - pray | Ngi-Sali-fo SM2-pray-NEG | I am not praying |
Source: field data (2026).
The findings in
Table 1 show that both Kiswahili and Kirombo express standard negation through verbal morphology. However, the two languages differ in the form, position, and distribution of negative markers. Kiswahili mainly employs preverbal negative markers together with changes in the verbal structure, whereas Kirombo generally uses the post-verbal negative suffix
-fo. The data from first-, second-, and third-person constructions demonstrate that negation is not realized through a single uniform strategy but varies according to the grammatical system of each language. Such variation reflects the cross-linguistic observation that languages employ different morphological and syntactic strategies to express negation Payne,
.
In Kiswahili, affirmative present-tense constructions consist of a subject marker, the present-tense marker -na-, the verb stem, and the final vowel. The general affirmative pattern can therefore be represented as SM + -na- + V + -a.
The negative constructions demonstrate a different morphological organization. For example, ‘anasoma’ ‘he/she is reading’ contrasts with ‘hasomi’ ‘he/she is not reading’, while wanacheza’ ‘they are playing’ contrasts with ‘hawachezi’ ‘they are not playing’. These examples show that the affirmative present-tense marker -na- is absent in the negative construction and is replaced by a negative subject marker. In addition, the final vowel changes from -a to -i. Therefore, Kiswahili negative marking is sensitive to subject person and involves a reorganization of the affirmative verbal template.
The Kiswahili data therefore illustrate
asymmetric negation as described by Miestamo
| [13] | Miestamo, M., Shagal, K., & Silvennoinen, O. O. (2022). Typology and usage: The case of negation. Linguistic Typology at the Crossroads, 2(1), 121–154.
https://doi.org/10.6092/issn.2785-0943/13508 University of Helsinki Research Portal. |
[13]
, because the negative construction differs structurally from the affirmative construction rather than simply adding an independent negative element. Negation affects more than one part of the verbal structure, including
tense marking and
the final vowel.
Kirombo demonstrates a different morphological strategy. The affirmative constructions, such as ‘nasom’ ‘he/she is reading’, ‘vatema’ ‘they are playing’, ‘nakora’‘he/she is cooking’, consist of a subject marker, verb stem, and final vowel. Unlike Kiswahili, the Kirombo affirmative forms in the present data do not contain an overt equivalent of the Kiswahili present-tense marker -na-. The affirmative structure can therefore be represented as SM + V + -a.
In negative constructions, Kirombo introduces the negative suffix -fo after the verb and final vowel. Examples include ‘narundafo’ ‘he/she does not work’. The structure can therefore be represented as SM + V + -a + -fo. The post-verbal position of -fo is also maintained in constructions containing object marking, such as ‘uvalolafo’ ‘you are not seeing them’.
This demonstrates that the negative marker occurs at the right edge of the verbal construction, following other verbal morphology.
The comparison between the two languages reveals that Kiswahili and Kirombo share the Bantu tendency of incorporating grammatical categories into verbal morphology but differ in the organization of negative marking. Kiswahili uses a predominantly preverbal strategy involving negative subject markers and modifications to the affirmative verbal structure, whereas Kirombo employs a post-verbal suffixal strategy through
-fo. This pattern supports Nurse’s
observation that Bantu languages share important structural features while displaying considerable variation in the realization of grammatical categories.
Therefore, the findings demonstrate that Kiswahili marks standard negation through changes within the verbal structure, including negative subject markers and final vowel alternation, while Kirombo marks negation through the addition of the post-verbal suffix -fo. The comparison highlights both shared Bantu grammatical tendencies and language-specific developments in the expression of verbal negation.
5.2. Past Tense Negation in Kiswahili and Kirombo
Past tense negation in Kiswahili and Kirombo is expressed through verbal morphology involving subject markers, tense markers, and negative markers. Although both languages mark past tense morphologically, they differ in how negation interacts with the past-tense construction. Kiswahili employs a preverbal negative strategy, whereas Kirombo uses a post-verbal negative suffix -fo. The relevant data are presented in
Table 3.
Table 3. Past Tense Negation in Kiswahili and Kirombo.
Kiswahili | Kirombo | Translation |
A-li-ku-j-a SM1- PST-INF-come-FV | Na-le-sh-a SMI-PST-come-FV | He/she came |
Ha-ku-j-a NEG.SM1-PST-come –FV | Na-le-sh-a-fo SMI-PST-come-FV-NEG | He/she did not come |
wa-li-ku-l-a SM3-PST-INF-eat-FV | Va-le-ly-a SM3- PST- eat -FV | They ate |
Ha-wa-ku-l-a NEG.SM3-PST- eat –FV | Va-le-ly-a-fo SM-PST-eat-FV- NEG | They did not eat |
M-li-chez-a SM2-PST-play –FV | M-le-tem-a SM2-PST-play -FV | You all play |
Ha-m-ku-chez-a NEG.SM2-PST-eat- FV | M-le-tem-a-fo SM1-PST-eat-FV-NEG | You all did not play |
ni-lipik-a SM1- PST-cook –FV | ngi-le-kor-a SM1-PST-cook-FV | I cooked |
Si-ku-pik-a NEG -PST - cook –FV | Ngi-le-kor-a-fo SMI - PST- cook - FV - NEG | I did not cook |
U-li-wa-on-a SM2 - PST- SM3 - see –FV | U-le-va-loli-a SM2 – PST-SM3 - see - FV | You saw them |
Hu-ku-wa-on-a NEG -PST-SM3 - see –FV | U-le-va-loli-a-fo SM2 - PST-SM3-see - FV -NEG | You did not see them |
Ni-li-chek-a SM1-PST-laugh –FV | Ngi-le-sek-a SM1 - PST-laugh -FV | I laughed |
Si-ku-chek-a SM1-PST-laugh –FV | Ngi-le-sek-a-fo SM1-PST-laugh -FV-NEG | I did not laugh |
Source: field data (2026).
The findings presented in
Table 2 show that both Kiswahili and Kirombo express past tense and negation through verbal morphology. However, the two languages differ in the form and position of negative markers. Kiswahili employs a preverbal negative strategy in which the affirmative past tense marker
-li- is replaced by a negative construction involving
-ku- and person-sensitive negative subject markers. Kirombo, on the other hand, retains the past tense marker
-le- and expresses negation through the post-verbal suffix
-fo.
In Kiswahili, affirmative past tense constructions consist of a subject marker, the past tense marker -li-, a verbal stem, and a final vowel. Examples include a-li-ku-j-a ‘he/she came’. The general structure is: SM + PST -li- + V + FV.
Negative constructions show a significant structural change. The affirmative past marker -li- is absent and the negative form contains person-sensitive negative subject morphology together with -ku-. For example, a-li-ku-j-a ‘he/she came’ becomes ha-ku-j-a ‘he/she did not come’, ni-li-pik-a ‘I cooked’ versus si-ku-pik-a ‘I did not cook’, and u-li-wa-on-a ‘you saw them’ versus hu--ku-wa-on-a‘you did not see them’.
Therefore, Kiswahili negative marking is person-sensitive, with negative forms such as ha-, si-, and hu-. Its general negative structure can be represented as:
NEG.SM + -ku- + V + FV. The replacement of -li- and modification of the subject-marking component show that Kiswahili exhibits
asymmetrical negation in the sense of Miestamo
| [13] | Miestamo, M., Shagal, K., & Silvennoinen, O. O. (2022). Typology and usage: The case of negation. Linguistic Typology at the Crossroads, 2(1), 121–154.
https://doi.org/10.6092/issn.2785-0943/13508 University of Helsinki Research Portal. |
[13],
since the negative construction is structurally different from its affirmative counterpart.
Kirombo displays a different pattern. Its affirmative past constructions consist of a subject marker, the past marker -le-, a verbal stem, and a final vowel. Examples include ‘nalesha’ ‘he/she came’, ‘valelya’ ‘they ate’, ‘ngilekora’ ‘I cooked’, and ‘ulevalolia’ ‘you saw them’. The structure is: SM + PST -le- + V + FV.
In negative constructions, all the affirmative elements are retained and the negative suffix -fo is added after the final vowel. For example: ‘naleshafo’ ‘he/she did not come’. ‘Valelyafo’ ‘they did not eat’, ‘ngilekorafo’ ‘I did not cook’.
The object-marked forms further confirm this contrast. Thus, Kirombo retains the entire affirmative structure and expresses negation solely through -fo.
The major differences can be summarized as follows:
Table 4. Comparative Structures and Strategies of Negation in Kiswahili and Kirombo.
Language | Affirmative structure | Negative structure | Strategy |
Kiswahili | SM + PST -li- + V + FV | NEG.SM + -ku- + V + FV | Preverbal |
Kirombo | SM + PST -le- + V + FV | SM + PST -le- + V + FV + NEG -fo | Post-verbal |
Source: Field data (2026).
The comparison shows that both languages express past tense and negation morphologically but organize the two categories differently. Kiswahili modifies the internal structure of the verb by replacing the affirmative past marker -li- with a negative construction involving negative subject morphology and -ku-. Kirombo, in contrast, retains the past marker -le- and adds the negative suffix -fo at the right edge of the verbal complex.
These findings demonstrate both shared Bantu characteristics and language-specific strategies. Kiswahili exhibits greater structural modification in negative past constructions, while Kirombo preserves the affirmative structure and adds a consistent negative suffix. This supports Nurse’s
observation that Bantu languages share broad grammatical characteristics while showing considerable variation in their verbal systems. Therefore, the principal difference between Kiswahili and Kirombo lies in the position and morphological realization of negation: Kiswahili employs preverbal structural modification, whereas Kirombo employs post-verbal suffixation through -fo.
5.3. Future Negation in Kiswahili and Kirombo
Future negation in Kiswahili and Kirombo is expressed through verbal morphology involving subject marking, future tense marking, verbal stems, final vowels, and negative markers. Although both languages overtly mark future tense, they differ in the position and form of negative marking. Kiswahili uses the future marker -ta- and preverbal negative subject morphology, whereas Kirombo uses the future marker -she- and the post-verbal negative suffix -fo. The relevant data are presented in
Table 3.
Table 3. Future Negation in Kiswahili and Kirombo.
Kiswahili | Kirombo | Translation |
wa-ta-fany-a SM3-FUT-do- FV | Va-she-rund-a SM3- FUT -do-FV | They will do |
Ha-wa-ta-fany-a NEG.SM3-FUT-do –FV | Va-she-rund-a-fo SM3-FUT-do-FV -NEG | They will not do |
M-ta-on-a SM2-FUT- see – FV | mu-she-loli-a SM2-FUT- see - FV | You will see |
Ha-m-ta-on-a NEG.SM2-FUT-see- FV | Mu-she-loli-a-fo SM2- FUT - see-FV -NEG | You will not see |
U-ta-uliz-a SM2-FUT-ask –FV | we-she-ves-a SM2-FUT-ask-FV | You will ask |
Hu-ta-uliz-a NEG.SM2-FUT-ask-FV | We-she-ves-a-fo SM2-FUT-ask- FV-NEG | You will not ask |
Ni-ta-end-a SM1 - FUT -go - FV | Ngi-she-nd-a SM1-FUT- go -FV | I will go |
Si-ta-end-a NEG.SM1-FUT-go-FV | Ngi-she-nda-fo SM1- FUT - go - FV -NEG | I will not go |
Ni-ta-ku-l-a SM1-FUT-INF-eat – FV | Ngi-she-ly-a SM1 - FUT- eat - FV | I will eat |
Si-ta-ku-l-a NEG.SM1-FUT-INF-eat-FV | Ngi-she-lya-fo SM -FUT- eat -FV-NEG | I will not eat |
Source: field data (2026).
The Kiswahili affirmative future construction consists of a subject marker, future marker -ta-, verbal stem, and final vowel. Examples include ‘watafanya’ ‘they will do’, Where the general structure is: SM + FUT -ta- + V + FV.
In negative constructions, -ta- remains unchanged, while negative subject morphology occurs at the beginning of the verbal complex. For example, ‘hawatafanya’ ‘they will not do’. Therefore, the Kiswahili negative structure is: NEG.SM + FUT -ta- + V + FV.
This shows that Kiswahili future negation is preverbal and person-sensitive. The negative forms vary according to grammatical person and number, as illustrated by ha-, hu-, and si-. Negation therefore affects the subject-marking component while the future marker remains unharmed.
Kirombo exhibits a different pattern. Its affirmative future construction consists of a subject marker, future marker -she-, verbal stem, and final vowel. Examples include ‘vasherunda’ ‘they will do’, ‘mushelolia’ ‘you will see’, ‘weshemvesa’ ‘you will ask him/her’, ‘ngishenda’‘I will go’, Therefore, the affirmative structure is: SM + FUT -she- + V + FV.
In the negative construction, the subject marker and future marker remain unchanged, while -fo is added after the final vowel. For example: ‘vasherundafo’ ‘they will not do’. ‘ngishelyafo’ ‘I will not eat’. The general structure is: SM + FUT -she- + V + FV + NEG -fo.
Therefore, Kirombo employs a post-verbal suffixal strategy, in which negation is added to an otherwise unchanged affirmative structure.
The major differences can be summarized as follows:
Table 5. Comparative Structures and Negative Marking in the Future Tense in Kiswahili and Kirombo.
Language | Affirmative future | Negative future | Negative marking |
Kiswahili | SM+ FUT -ta-+V + FV | NEG.SM + FUT -ta- + V + FV | Preverbal |
Kirombo | SM+FUT-she-+V + FV | SM + FUT -she- + V+ FV+ NEG -fo | Post-verbal |
Source: Field data (2026).
The comparison shows that Kiswahili and Kirombo share a basic verbal organization in which the subject marker precedes the future marker and verbal stem. However, they differ in the realization of negation. Kiswahili introduces negative morphology at the beginning of the verbal complex, whereas Kirombo adds the negative suffix -fo at the end.
From the perspective of Miestamo’s
| [13] | Miestamo, M., Shagal, K., & Silvennoinen, O. O. (2022). Typology and usage: The case of negation. Linguistic Typology at the Crossroads, 2(1), 121–154.
https://doi.org/10.6092/issn.2785-0943/13508 University of Helsinki Research Portal. |
[13]
distinction between symmetrical and asymmetrical negation, the two languages also differ in their structural relationship between affirmative and negative constructions. In Kiswahili, the negative construction involves modification of the subject-marking component, as in ‘ni-ta-end-a’ ‘I will go’ versus ‘si-ta-end-a’ ‘I will not go’. This represents an asymmetrical pattern because the negative form is structurally different from the affirmative form.
In Kirombo, the negative construction retains the subject marker, future marker, verbal stem, and final vowel and adds -fo, as in ‘ngi-she-ly-a’ ‘I will eat’ versus ngi-she-ly-a-fo’ ‘I will not eat’. The negative form is therefore structurally closer to the affirmative form. However, this conclusion is limited to the future constructions examined here; a broader classification would require data from other tense, aspect, mood, and clause types.
Overall, the findings show that both languages overtly mark future tense, using -ta- in Kiswahili and -she- in Kirombo, while retaining these markers in negative constructions. The major difference lies in the position of negative morphology: Kiswahili uses
preverbal, person-sensitive negative marking, whereas Kirombo uses
post-verbal suffixation through -fo. This variation supports Nurse’s
observation that Bantu languages share broad grammatical characteristics while exhibiting considerable diversity in their verbal systems. The findings therefore demonstrate both shared Bantu features and language-specific strategies in the expression of future negation.
5.4. Negative Copular Construction in Kiswahili and Kirombo
Negative copula constructions in Kiswahili and Kirombo are used to express the denial of identity, classification, or existence of a referent. Unlike verbal negation, which involves action verbs, copula negation involves nominal predicates such as occupations, identities, and objects. The two languages employ different strategies in marking copular negation.
Table 6 present affirmative and negative copular constructions in Kiswahili and Kirombo.
Table 6. Negative Copula Construction in Kiswahili and Kirombo.
Kiswahili | Kirombo | Translation |
yeye ni mwalimu 3SG COP teacher | Fe ni mwalimu 3SG.COP-teacher | He/she is a teacher |
yeye si mwalimu 3SG NEG.COP teacher | Fe shi mwalimu fo 3SG.COP-teacher-NEG | He/she is not a teacher |
yeye ni mwanafunzi 3SG COP student | Fe ni mwanafunsi 3SG.COP-student | He/she is a student |
yeye si mwanafunzi 3SG NEG.COP student | Fe shi mwanafunsi fo 3SG.COP-mwanafunsi-NEG | He/she is not a student |
huyu ni mtoto DEM1 COP child | Soosu ni mwana DEM1 COP child | This is a child |
huyu si mtoto DEM1 NEG.COP child | Soosu shi mwana fo DEM1 COP child- NEG | This is not a child |
Hiki ni kitabu DEM7 COP book | Choochi ni kitabu DEM7 COP book | This is a book |
hiki si kitabu DEM7 NEG.COP book | Choochi shi kitabu fo DEM1 COP child- NEG | This is not a book |
Ni wewe COP 2SG | Ni fe COP 2SG | You are the one |
Si wewe NEG.COP 2SG | Shi fe fo NEG.COP 2SG NEG | You are not the one |
Source: field data (2026).
The data in
Table 6 show that both languages use the copula (
ni) in affirmative constructions, but they differ in the realization of negation. Kiswahili replaces the affirmative copula (
ni) with the negative copula (
si), whereas Kirombo uses (
shi) together with the clause-final negative marker (
fo).
In Kiswahili, affirmative copula constructions such as yeye ni mwalimu ‘he/she is a teacher’, yeye ni mwanafunzi ‘he/she is a student’, huyu ni mtoto ‘this is a child’, and hiki ni kitabu ‘this is a book’ contain the copula (ni) between the subject and nominal predicate. The identificational construction ni wewe ‘you are the one’ similarly contains (ni). These examples demonstrate that (ni) functions as the affirmative copula in the Kiswahili data.
Kirombo shows a similar affirmative pattern. Examples such as Fe ni mwalimu ‘he/she is a teacher’, Fe ni mwanafunsi ‘he/she is a student’, Soosu ni mwana ‘this is a child’, and Choochi ni kitabu ‘this is a book’ use (ni) as the copula. The identificational construction ni fe ‘you are the one’ provides further evidence of the use of (ni) in affirmative copula clauses. Thus, both languages share the use of (ni) in affirmative copula constructions.
The negative Kiswahili constructions show a copular replacement strategy. For example, yeye ni mwalimu ‘he/she is a teacher’ contrasts with yeye si mwalimu ‘he/she is not a teacher’, while huyu ni mtoto ‘this is a child’ contrasts with huyu si mtoto ‘this is not a child’. Similarly, ni wewe ‘you are the one’ becomes si wewe ‘you are not the one’. In these constructions, (si) replaces (ni), while the subject and nominal predicate remain unchanged. The basic pattern can therefore be represented as:
Affirmative: Subject + NI + NP Negative: Subject + SI + NP
The Kirombo negative constructions demonstrate a different strategy. Examples such as Fe shi mwalimu fo ‘he/she is not a teacher’, Fe shi mwanafunsi fo ‘he/she is not a student’, Soosu shi mwana fo ‘this is not a child’, and shi fe fo ‘you are not the one’ contain shi in the copular position and fo at the end of the construction. The Kirombo pattern can therefore be represented as:
Affirmative: Subject + NI + NP Negative: Subject + SHI + NP + FO
The contrast between the two languages can be summarized as follows:
Table 7. Comparative of Affirmative and Negative Copular Constructions in Kiswahili and Kirombo.
Language | Affirmative | Negative | Strategy |
Kiswahili | Subject + ni + NP | Subject + si + NP | Copula replacement |
Kirombo | Subject + ni + NP | Subject + shi + NP + fo | Negative copula + clause-final marker |
Source: field data (2026).
The data therefore demonstrate that Kiswahili and Kirombo share an affirmative copula element (ni) but differ in the expression of copular negation. Kiswahili uses (si) to replace (ni), whereas Kirombo uses (shi) and adds the clause-final negative marker (fo).
From the perspective of Miestamo
| [13] | Miestamo, M., Shagal, K., & Silvennoinen, O. O. (2022). Typology and usage: The case of negation. Linguistic Typology at the Crossroads, 2(1), 121–154.
https://doi.org/10.6092/issn.2785-0943/13508 University of Helsinki Research Portal. |
[13]
, both languages show structural differences between affirmative and negative copula constructions, although the nature of the difference is language-specific. Kiswahili changes the copular element from (
ni) to (
si), while Kirombo changes (
ni) to (
shi) and additionally introduces (
fo). These findings further demonstrate variation within Bantu languages, where similar grammatical functions may be realized through different morphological strategies.
Therefore,
Table 4 shows that Kiswahili and Kirombo share the affirmative copula (
ni) but employ different strategies for copula negation. Kiswahili uses a negative copula replacement strategy, while Kirombo uses a negative copula plus clause-final marker strategy. The patterns occur in nominal, demonstrative, and identificational constructions, demonstrating that the contrast extends across different types of copula clauses.
5.5. Negative Existential Construction in Kiswahili and Kirombo
Negative existential constructions express the absence or non-existence of a person, object, or entity. In Kiswahili and Kirombo, existential clauses are formed using existential markers, which are modified when expressing negation. The analysis of these constructions is important because existential negation often shows distinct grammatical behavior from ordinary verbal negation.
Table 8 illustrate affirmative and negative existential constructions in Kiswahili and Kirombo.
Table 8. Negative Existential Construction in Kiswahili and Kirombo.
Kiswahili | Kirombo | Translation |
Kuna maji EXIST water | Kwete mringa EXIST water | There is water |
hakuna maji NEG.EXIST water | Kwete mringa fo EXIST water. NEG | There is no water |
Kuna mtu EXIST person | Kwete mndu EXIST person | There is a person |
hakuna mtu NEG.EXIST person | Kwete mndu fo EXIST person NEG | There is no person |
Kuna wanafunzi EXIST students | Kwete vanafunsi daraseni EXIST students in the class | There are students |
Hakuna wanafunzi NEG.EXIST students | Kwete vanafunsi fo EXIST students NEG | There are no students |
Kuna shida EXIST problem | Kwete shida EXIST problem | There is a problem |
Hakuna shida NEG.EXIST problem | Kwete shida fo EXIST problem NEG | There is no problem |
Kuna umeme nyumbani EXIST electricity at home | Kwete umeme kaa EXIST electricity at home | There is electricity at home |
Hakuna umeme nyumbani NEG.EXIST electricity at home | Kwete umeme kaa fo EXIST electricity at home NEG | There is no electricity at home |
Source: field data (2026).
The data show that both Kiswahili and Kirombo use existential constructions to express the presence or absence of entities. In affirmative constructions, Kiswahili uses the existential marker “kuna”, as shown in kuna maji ‘there is water’ and kuna mtu ‘there is a person’. Similarly, Kirombo uses “kwete” in kwete mringa ‘there is water’ and kwete mndu ‘there is a person’. These forms occur in contexts where speakers indicate the existence or availability of an entity.
In negative existential constructions, Kiswahili uses “hakuna”, which functions as a negative existential marker. The forms hakuna maji ‘there is no water’ and hakuna mtu ‘there is no person’ show that negation is expressed through a change from the affirmative existential marker “kuna” to the negative form “hakuna”. Therefore, Kiswahili does not simply add a separate negative element but modifies the existential construction itself.
Kirombo, on the other hand, maintains the existential marker “kwete” and expresses negation by adding the negative marker -fo at the end of the construction, as seen in kwete mringa fo ‘there is no water’ and kwete mndu fo ‘there is no person’. This indicates that Kirombo marks existential negation through an additional negative element, while Kiswahili uses a negative existential form. The difference demonstrates variation in the grammatical realization of negation between the two Bantu languages.
From a typological perspective, these findings support Miestamo’s
| [12] | Miestamo, M. (2005). Standard negation: The negation of declarative verbal main clauses in a typological perspective (Vol. 31). Walter de Gruyter.
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110912111 |
[12]
argument that languages differ in the structural relationship between affirmative and negative clauses. Kiswahili shows an asymmetric pattern because the negative existential construction involves a structural change (
kuna to hakuna), whereas Kirombo shows a pattern where negation is added to the affirmative structure through the marker
-fo. This distinction demonstrates that negative constructions may affect grammatical organization differently across languages.
The findings also agree with Nurse’s
observation that Bantu languages share common grammatical features but display considerable variation in the expression of tense, polarity, and clause structure. Although Kiswahili and Kirombo belong to the same language family, their existential negation strategies reveal different grammatical developments. These differences contribute to understanding how Bantu languages preserve shared features while developing language-specific mechanisms for expressing negative meanings.
5.6. Prohibitive Negation in Kiswahili and Kirombo
Prohibitive negation is used to express commands that prevent or forbid an action. Unlike declarative negation, which denies the occurrence of an event, prohibitive negation functions in imperative contexts to instruct someone not to perform an action.
Table 9 illustrate how Kiswahili and Kirombo express prohibitive negation.
Table 9. Prohibitive Negation in Kiswahili and Kirombo.
Kiswahili | Kirombo | Translation |
Njoo Come IMP | Nshoo Come IMP | Come |
usi- je NEG.IMP-come | Utashe-fo come-NEG | Do not come |
Kula Eat.IMP | Lya Eat.IMP | Eat |
usi- le NEG.IMP-eat | Utalye fo Eat NEG | Do not eat |
Ingia Enter.IMP | Injia Enter.IMP | Enter |
usi- ingie NEG.IMP-enter | Utainjie fo Enter NEG | Do not enter |
Toka Leave.IMP | Fuma Leave.IMP | Leave/Come out |
usi- toke NEG.IMP-leave | Utafume fo Leave NEG | Do not leave |
Cheka Laugh.IMP | Seka Laugh.IMP | Laugh |
usi- cheke NEG.IMP- laugh | Utaseke fo Laugh NEG | Do not laugh |
Pika Cook IMP | Kora Cook IMP | Cook |
usi- pike NEG.IMP-cook | Utakore fo Cook NEG | Do not cook |
Fanya Do IMP | Runda Do IMP | Do/Work |
usi- fanye NEG.IMP- do | Utarunde fo Do NEG | Do not do/Do not work |
Source: field data (2026).
The data show that both Kiswahili and Kirombo distinguish between affirmative and negative imperative constructions, although they employ different grammatical strategies. In Kiswahili, affirmative commands are expressed using imperative verb forms such as njoo ‘come’, kula ‘eat’, ingia ‘enter’, toka ‘leave’, cheka ‘laugh’, pika ‘cook’, and fanya ‘do’. These forms are used to instruct or request someone to perform an action.
To express prohibition, Kiswahili introduces the negative imperative marker {usi-}, as seen in usi-je ‘do not come’, usi-le ‘do not eat’, usi-ingie ‘do not enter’, usi-toke ‘do not leave’, usi-cheke ‘do not laugh’, usi-pike ‘do not cook’, and usi-fanye ‘do not do’. The data show that prohibitive negation is formed by replacing the affirmative imperative with a negative imperative construction. Thus, negation is expressed through a dedicated preverbal marker that indicates prohibition.
The Kirombo data reveal a different pattern. Affirmative commands are expressed through simple imperative forms such as Nshoo ‘come’, Lya ‘eat’, Injia ‘enter’, Fuma ‘leave’, Seka ‘laugh’, Kora ‘cook’, and Runda ‘do’. In the negative constructions, however, forms such as Utashe fo, Utalye fo, Utainjie fo, Utafume fo, Utaseke fo, Utakore fo, and Utarunde fo are used. Unlike Kiswahili, Kirombo does not employ a preverbal negative imperative marker similar to usi-. Instead, prohibition is expressed by the addition of the negative marker -fo after the verb, accompanied by a change in the imperative form.
The comparison indicates that both languages grammatically distinguish affirmative commands from prohibitions, but they differ in the realization of negative marking. Kiswahili expresses prohibition through a preverbal negative imperative marker, whereas Kirombo marks prohibition through a post-verbal negative marker. This finding is consistent with Miestamo’s
| [12] | Miestamo, M. (2005). Standard negation: The negation of declarative verbal main clauses in a typological perspective (Vol. 31). Walter de Gruyter.
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110912111 |
[12]
typological framework, which argues that languages employ different morphosyntactic strategies to express negation. It also supports Nurse’s
observation that, although Bantu languages share common grammatical characteristics, they differ in the organization and placement of negative markers.
Therefore, the findings demonstrate that prohibitive negation in both Kiswahili and Kirombo is morphologically encoded within the verb phrase. However, the two languages differ in the position and realization of negative markers, highlighting both shared Bantu features and language-specific developments in the expression of prohibition.
5.7. Infinitival Negation in Kiswahili and Kirombo
Infinitival negation refers to the expression of negative meaning ‘not to do something’ through non-finite verb forms. Infinitival constructions function in various syntactic environments and differ from finite verb forms in their morphological organization. The data presented in
Table 7 show that both Kiswahili and Kirombo express infinitival negation morphologically; however, the two languages employ different negative markers and structural patterns. Kiswahili marks infinitival negation using the negative element
-to- within the infinitival construction, whereas Kirombo employs the negative element
-lyee-. The examples in
Table 10 show how these negative elements are integrated into each language’s verb structure.
Table 10. Infinitival Negation in Kiswahili and Kirombo.
Kiswahili | Kirombo | Translation |
Ku-som-a INF.PRF- read – FV | I-som-a INF.PRF-read - FV | To read |
Ku-to-som-a INF.PRF-NEG- read –FV | I-lyee-som-a INF.PRF-NEG -read -FV | Not to read |
Ku-j-a INF.PRF-come – FV | I-sh-a INF.PRF-come-FV | To come |
Ku-to-ku-j-a INF.PRF-NEG.INF.PRF-come- FV | l-Iyee-sh-a INF.PRF-NEG-come - FV | Not to come |
Ku-fany-a INF.PRF-do-FV | I-rund-a INF.PRF-do-FV | To do |
Ku-to-fany-a INF.PRF-NEG -do-FV | I-lyee-rund-a INF.PRF-NEG-do -FV | Not to do |
Ku-nyw-a INF.PRF-drink-FV | I-nw-a INF.PRF-drink-FV | To drink |
Ku-to-ku-nyw-a INF.PRF-NEG.INF-drink-FV | I-lyee-nw-a INF.PRF-NEG - drink - FV | Not to drink |
Ku-l-a INF.PRF-eat –FV | I-ly-a INF.PRF-eat-FV | To eat |
Ku-to-ku-l-a INF.PRF-NEG-INF-eat-FV | I-lyee-ly-a INF.PRF-NEG - eat - FV | Not to eat |
Source: field data (2026).
The affirmative Kiswahili infinitival constructions contain the infinitive marker ku- followed by the verb stem and final vowel. Examples such as ‘ku-som-a’ ‘to read’, illustrate the structure: ku- + V + FV.
In the negative constructions, the negative element -to- occurs after the infinitive marker, as in ‘ku-to-som-a’ ‘not to read’ The negative marker is therefore integrated into the infinitival construction rather than occurring as an independent word. The basic negative structure can be represented as: ku- + to- + V + FV. These examples show that Kiswahili negative infinitives do not display a completely uniform.
The Kirombo affirmative infinitival constructions contain I- followed by the verb stem and final vowel. Examples ly-a ‘to eat’. The affirmative structure is: Kirombo affirmative: I- + V + FV.
In the negative constructions, the negative element -lyee- consistently occurs between the infinitive marker I- and the verb stem. Examples include I-lyee-rund-a ‘not to do’, I-lyee-nw-a, ‘not to drink’. The structure of Kirombo negative: I-lyee- V + FV.
Unlike Kiswahili, Kirombo shows a regular distribution of the negative element, where lyee- consistently occurs after the infinitive marker and before the verb stem. This indicates that lyee- functions as the main negative marker in Kirombo infinitival constructions.
The comparison shows that both languages express infinitival negation morphologically but differ in their negative elements and structural organization. Kiswahili uses ku-+to-, with some variation involving an additional ku-, whereas Kirombo consistently uses I-+-lyee-. Thus, both languages integrate negation into the infinitival verb structure but employ different morphological strategies.
The difference between affirmative and negative constructions reflects Miestamo’s
| [13] | Miestamo, M., Shagal, K., & Silvennoinen, O. O. (2022). Typology and usage: The case of negation. Linguistic Typology at the Crossroads, 2(1), 121–154.
https://doi.org/10.6092/issn.2785-0943/13508 University of Helsinki Research Portal. |
[13]
concept of asymmetric negation, where negative forms involve structural modifications of affirmative forms. In the present data, Kiswahili introduces to- within the infinitival construction, whereas Kirombo introduces
lyee-. This shows that both languages express infinitival negation morphologically, although they differ in the realization of their negative markers.
These findings support Nurse’s
observation that Bantu languages share general grammatical tendencies while displaying variation in the expression of particular categories. Thus,
Table 7 demonstrates that Kiswahili and Kirombo employ distinct morphological strategies: Kiswahili follows the pattern
ku-+to-+V+FV, while Kirombo follows
I-+lyee-+V+FV. In both languages, negation is integrated into the infinitival verb structure rather than expressed through an independent negative word.